The convergence of the EU–Mercosur ratification process, EUDR enforcement, CBAM introduction, and EU Taxonomy deployment has created the most consequential regulatory inflection point in EU–Brazil relations in a generation. We navigate it from both sides simultaneously.
On 1 May 2026, the EU–Mercosur Interim Trade Agreement entered provisional application. Tariff reductions on more than 90% of bilateral trade are now operational. The European Parliament consent vote is projected for 2028.
Simultaneously: EUDR enforcement began. CBAM phased introduction continued. The EU Taxonomy is being pressure-tested for deployment into markets without EPC systems. None of these frameworks was designed to interact with the others — and none can be navigated in isolation by a single-domain advisor.
This is precisely the moment Nostrum was built for.
The conventional EU–Mercosur framing asks: does Brazilian agriculture meet European standards? The question is structurally incomplete.
European livestock production depends on Brazilian soy protein without a competitive short-term alternative. More than 50% of Brazilian soybean meal exports flow to the Netherlands, France, and Spain. Without that supply, European pork, poultry, and cattle sectors cannot operate at competitive cost.
Brazil, meanwhile, sends the majority of its raw soybean exports to China. Brazilian exporters have alternatives. European livestock producers do not.
Understanding the dependency structure as it actually is — not as it is assumed to be — is the analytical foundation of any credible EU–Brazil agricultural strategy.
More than 50% of Brazilian soybean meal exports go to EU member states. There is no competitive short-term alternative for European livestock production at current volumes and price points.
65% of Brazilian raw soybean exports go to China. Brazilian exporters are actively diversifying their partnerships. The commercial dependency is not symmetrical — and Brussels' negotiating posture should reflect this.
US multilateral engagement has retracted. China's commercial expansion in Latin America has accelerated. Mercosur bloc members are diversifying. Europe's window to consolidate its position in the most consequential emerging market bilateral is open — and finite.
Evidence architecture and parliamentary engagement for the EU–Mercosur consent vote projected for 2028. We build the institutional narratives, stakeholder strategies, and evidence frameworks that shape parliamentary positioning — and engage formally at institutional level across the European Parliament's AGRI and INTA committees.
Translating EU deforestation regulation and carbon border adjustment requirements into actionable compliance frameworks for Brazilian exporters and their European counterparties. Brazil's Forest Code, CAR registration, and cooperative certification infrastructure represent a compliance foundation that European supply chain due diligence frameworks need to learn to read — not rewrite.
Continuous monitoring of EU–Brazil agricultural dependency dynamics, Safeguard Regulation activation, political group positioning in the European Parliament, and bilateral market structure. We provide the analytical depth that allows institutional actors to engage with the EU–Brazil agricultural relationship correctly — from the evidence base, not from assumptions.
Formal engagement with EP committees — AGRI and INTA primarily — through Nostrum's EU Transparency Register registration and Gregory Mathieu's direct operational knowledge of EU institutional mechanics. We engage parliamentary staff, committee secretariats, and political group advisors with the evidence that structures their positions.
Positioning Brazilian and EU institutions for engagement with Global Gateway instruments, IDB, AFD, IFC, GCF, and EIB Advisory — connecting trade policy with the development finance architecture that gives it institutional permanence.
The iTA is in provisional application. The CJEU is expected to deliver its opinion no earlier than late 2027. After that opinion, the Parliament issues a consent vote requiring only a simple majority.
The window between now and that vote is precisely the period during which the evidence that shapes parliamentary positioning must be produced, validated, and placed in the institutional ecosystem.
Nostrum operates in this window — from both sides of the Atlantic simultaneously.
Tariff reductions on 90%+ of bilateral trade now operational. European automotive, pharma, spirits, and machinery sectors are current beneficiaries.
The active window. Evidence produced, validated by independent institutional voices, and placed in the Brussels ecosystem. Parliamentary staff engaged. Sector actors mobilised.
Court of Justice delivers its opinion on the CJEU referral. The consent vote timeline crystallises. Final mobilisation phase begins.
Simple majority required. The evidence infrastructure built in 2026–2027 determines the margin. This is the institutional destination.
Both Nostrum Public Affairs and GBC Brasil are registered on the EU Transparency Register. This is not a formality — it is the institutional standing that allows formal engagement with EU institutions, declared participation in parliamentary processes, and credible positioning as an evidence-based actor rather than a lobbying organisation.
São Paulo for Brazil-side operational intelligence, field programme coordination, and institutional relationships across government, agribusiness, and finance. Brussels for parliamentary engagement, Commission directorate relationships, and member state representation access — led by Gregory Mathieu, former Chief of Staff in the Belgian federal government.
Every engagement we lead is designed around independently validated evidence — produced on the ground, certified by institutional validators, and structured to withstand scrutiny from opposition voices. This is the distinction between advocacy that moves positions and lobbying that entrenches them.
Whether you are a European institution engaging with Brazil, a Brazilian exporter navigating EUDR or CBAM,
or a company with a stake in the EU–Mercosur ratification outcome — we welcome the conversation.